The raison d'être of the European Union according to European treaties’ preambles

‍A 6-week UCL undergraduate research project sponsored by the Laidlaw foundation.

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Abstract

In 2020, some member nations contributed to significantly slowing down the European decision-making process regarding financial responses to the COVID-19 pandemic. This lack of coordination within the Union, I claim, may be linked to a recurrent tendency to avoid defining the EU project. The purpose of this research is therefore to investigate the raison d'être of the EU, as illuminated by the preambles of its main treaties. The structure of the present analysis is threefold. First, I contextualise the ECSC, EEC, SEA, Maastricht and Lisbon treaties historically and analyse their preambles in depth. Second, I break up their contents into the key analytical categories of “peace and security”, “economic and social progress” and “principles and community”, following von Bogdandy’s classification. Third, I elaborate on the raison d'être of the European Union, according to the treaties’ preambles. In the academic debate around the European raison d'être topic[31][32][33][5], I tend to agree with Jones[29], as I claim that the development of the EU has been primarily driven by the contextual need to overcome specific moments of crisis, rather than by positively defined, consistent motives. The fundamental implication, I argue, is that the process of policymaking in the EU is structurally complicated by its very raison d'être.

Context

The recent COVID-19 pandemic has brought to light structural problems in the workings of the European Union. In 2020, member states strongly disagreed on the role taken by EU institutions in solving the socio-economic crisis, slowing down the ratification process of COVID-19 financial policies, in primis the NextGenerationEU[1]. Among the potential factors underlying this lack of coordination, there seems to be a recurrent tendency to avoid defining the EU as what it is and ought to be[2]. Therefore, if this is the case, in order to speed up its processes of decision-making and, consequently, make the EU more effective on the global scale, a raison d'être should be clearly stated and agreed upon at the foundations of the EU project.

Methodology

The purpose of this research is to investigate the raison d'être of the EU project. Due to the vast scope of the question, the focus is placed on the analysis of the European treaties' preambles and their processes of negotiation. Indeed, beyond their jurisprudential role, preambles also bear a key narrative role[3]. Through the programmatic articulation of ideas, experiences and aspirations of a political entity[4], they present the "history behind [it], [...] [its] core principles and values”[3]. In other words, in their brevity, preambles tend to target the raison d'être and ideals behind a political project[3].

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The preambles

In order to outline the raison d'être of the EU project, the ECSC, EEC, SEA, Maastricht and Lisbon treaty preambles are respectively analysed. The Amsterdam and Nice treaties are not taken into consideration since their lack of vision, as Nelsen and Stubb put it, is mirrored in their poorly articulated preambles. [4][5]

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ECSC
treaty

The ECSC preamble stresses the importance of securing peace through economic integration, following the catastrophic impact of WW2.

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EEC
treaty

The preamble stresses the importance of strengthening Europe’s international stance after the EDC failure and the rise of international tensions.

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SEA
treaty

The SEA preamble’s main goal is to make the EU a more effective organisation to tackle the rise of Euro-sclerosis and Euro-scepticism.

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MAASTRICHT
treaty

The aim articulated in the Maastricht preamble is to make the EU stronger in the emerging geopolitical equilibrium, facing the end of the Cold War.

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LISBON
treaty

In light of the failure of the Constitutional project, the main aim of the Lisbon treaty is to make the EU’s workings more efficient and transparent

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Evolution of
preambles’ contents

I now break up analytically the main contents of the preambles. As claimed by von Bogdandy, we may divide them into three main spheres: peace and security, economic and social progress, principles and community[27].

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Peace &
Security

The dimension of peace and security is addressed in each preamble, albeit for different reasons. The dimension of peace, specifically, moves from a central position in the ECSC treaty, to a marginal one in the SEA and Maastricht ones. The ECSC preamble, indeed, presents peace as its raison d'être, since this represents the main goal of the establishment of a European community. Both in the EEC and SEA preambles, on the other hand, the desire "to preserve and strengthen peace"[13] is addressed, but less prominently. The EEC preamble stresses the primary importance of economic and social progress, whereas the SEA one addresses peace in the context of the introduction of a common security and foreign policy, meant to increase political cooperation and make the EC more efficient. On its part, the Maastricht Treaty addresses peace both in its historical dimension and in relation to the implementation of further EC security and foreign policies, especially as regards the establishment of a shared defence policy. The Lisbon treaty, finally, makes no mention of the necessity to maintain internal peace, omitting the idea that "peoples of Europe are determined to transcend their former divisions"[28], as expressed in the (failed) Constitutional treaty.

Economic &
Social progress

As opposed to the dimension of peace and security, the importance of economic and social progress increases in later treaties. In the ECSC preamble, for instance, economic cooperation is mainly presented as a means to the end of securing internal peace and security. As previously stated in the Schuman Plan, the aim is to make war "not merely unthinkable, but materially impossible"[5]. From the EEC treaty onwards, on the other hand, economic and social progress play an increasingly central role in the European process of integration. The EEC preamble is primarily focused on economic progress, to the aim of improving living standards and reducing economic inequality throughout Europe. The SEA, on its part, aims to improve Europe’s socio-economic conditions by "extending new common policies and pursuing new objectives [i.e. economic and monetary union]"[17]. The Maastricht treaty itself aims to strengthen and converge national economies through the establishment of a single and stable currency, while at the same time stressing the importance of this progress being "accompanied by parallel progress in other fields"[22], especially the environmental one. The only exception, due to the previously analysed characters, is the Lisbon preamble, which makes no reference to economic and social progress.

Principles &
Community

The Principles & Community sphere is perhaps the one that sees the most significant changes throughout the evolution of the preambles. Indeed, a major rift can be highlighted between the ECSC treaty, which makes no mention of any shared values or heritage, to the Maastricht and Lisbon ones, which are "resolved to establish a common citizenship"[22], taking inspiration from the European common heritage. Indeed, the idea of common European values is first introduced by the EEC preamble, defining liberty as a core value of the human being and making reference to the principles of the Charter of the United Nations. The SEA treaty, later on, stresses the importance of the democratic will of European people, on the basis of the "fundamental rights […] [of] freedom, equality and social justice"[17]. The Maastricht treaty, on its part, introduces the idea of European citizenship as inseparable from some key values, including democracy, liberty, human rights and the rule of law. In order to strengthen the idea of a common citizenship, finally, the Lisbon treaty introduces the idea of a common heritage, especially in the cultural, religious and humanities fields, suggesting that the inalienable rights of the human being (such as freedom, democracy, etc.) derive from it.

My claim

In light of the individual preambles and the evolution of their contents, I argue that the EU may be defined as an ongoing process of integration guaranteed by a supra-national institution.  The raison d'être of the EU, it follows, can be defined as the principle animating this process of integration. My claim is that this process has not been animated, for the most part, by positively defined motives (e.g. common values, economic interests, etc.), but rather by the contextual need to overcome specific moments of crisis[29].

In this section, I firstly define the EU project as an ongoing process of integration and analyse how this definition is addressed in each preamble. Secondly, I show, in the context of each preamble, how the raison d'être of the EU lies in the need to overcome specific moments of crisis. Thirdly, I briefly analyse the shortcomings of this raison d'être, claiming that it directly impacts on the effectiveness of the European Union as a global political institution.

The EU as an
ongoing integration process

Based on the preambles, I claim the EU may be defined as an ongoing process of integration guaranteed by a supranational entity.  According to Haas, one of the most influential political thinkers of European integration, this process represents a "merging of [the national states'] interests" into a "common destiny"[30]. This highlights a key difference between intergovernmental cooperation and integration. While integration implies a partial shift of loyalty and sovereignty from a national level to a supra-national one, cooperation does not[30].

Most of the preambles make direct reference to the process of integration that the EU has been, still is, and will be going through. The ECSC preamble clearly states how member states are "resolved to substitute for aged-old rivalries the merging of their essential interests (actual integration); to create […] the basis for a broader and deeper community (ongoing integration)"[9]. Moreover, it explains that this is meant to "lay the foundations for institutions (supranationality) which will give direction to a destiny henceforward shared (ongoing integration)"[9]. This ongoing process is then mentioned in all the subsequent preambles, except the Lisbon one. The EEC, SEA and Maastricht preambles openly claim a willingness to "continue the work undertaken" for "an-ever closer union among people of Europe"[7]. The Lisbon preamble, however, makes no direct or indirect reference to such willingness. As previously mentioned, this is to be chiefly linked to a lack of agreement on the underlying political project, as well as a desire, on the part of the EU, to avoid being perceived to be infringing on national independence.

The Raison d’etre of the EU

As implicit in the history of European preambles, I argue that the European integration process has not been animated by positively defined motives (e.g. common values, economic interests, etc.) but rather by the need to overcome specific moments of crisis. The unclarity and inconsistency of such motives is made clear by a great deal of scholarship around the topic. Indeed, the raison d'être of the EU, during the last century, has been interpreted in geopolitical[31], economic[32] and national interest[33] terms and according to several other factors (e.g. Checkel, Jachtenfuchs, Hooge and Marks)[5]. In other words, I claim, the EU seems to have been ultimately designed as a "way for member states to enhance their capabilities to solve a problem, by pooling the risks and, therefore, the destinies"[34]. This is clearly shown by all the preambles we have discussed.

The main element of crisis permeating the ECSC preamble is WW2 and its disastrous consequences[6]. This preamble, as we have seen, openly claims that the ECSC aims to "substitute for age-old rivalries the merging of [member states’] essential interests [...] by establishing an economic community"[7]. As regards the EEC treaty, it was the political failure of the EDC[10] and the arsing of international tensions[11] that led member states to introduce a common market, in order to "lay the foundations of an-even closer union among people of Europe"[13]. The SEA’s aim to make the EC more effective and transparent, on its part, is a direct response to the phase of political and economic crisis associated with Euro-scepticism and Euro-sclerosis[15]. The main element of crisis motivating the Maastricht treaty was the need for the EC to establish itself as a key international actor in the new equilibrium, following the end of the Cold War, as well as to tackle the threat of reunified Germany[19]. In the preamble, this is made clear by the stress put on furthering political and economic cooperation, in order to "deepen the solidarity between [member states’] peoples"[22]. Finally, the Lisbon preamble represents a response to the general decrease in trust towards the EU that follows the failure of the Constitutional treaty, leading the Lisbon treaty to aim for a more trustworthy and efficient Union, while downplaying the idea of European integration[23].

Shortcomings of this raison d'étre

Significant issues are bound to ensue from the EU’s raison d'être, as I have interpreted it.  Indeed, we may now assume that a link exists between the lack of a positive definition[2] for the EU project and its general tendency in the context of policymaking, to focus on the output (solving a crisis) rather than the motive (principles animating the process of integration). Structural limitations follow, both in terms of efficiency and speed of decision-making. The consequence for the Union, in fact, is that policymaking inevitably “occur(s) only as a result of lowest common denominator bargaining among powerful member states, each pursuing its domestically determined economic self-interest”[29]. In other words, my claim is that, in order to achieve a more cohesive and effective Union on a global scale, the raison d'être of the EU project needs to be first shifted from the overcoming of contextual crises to some positively defined and collectively agreed upon terms.  

About us

Donatelli Lorenzo

Hi! My name is Lorenzo and I am a PPE (Philosophy, Politics & Economics) student at UCL. I was the project leader and author of this research.

Contacts

lorenzo.donatelli.vr@gmail.com

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Richard McMahon

Hi! I'm Richard and I'm a lecturer in European politics at University College London. I supervised Lorenzo in this research.

Contacts

r.mcmahon@ucl.ac.uk

Lunardon Paolo

Hi! My name is Paolo and I am a Product Design student at Politecnico di Milano. In this research, I was the graphic designer and web developer.

Contacts

Paolo.lunardon01@gmail.com

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Edoardo Moghetti

Hi! My name is Edoardo and I'm a UCL Anthropology graduate. I was the proofreader and consultant for this research.

Contacts

dadlud@gmail.com

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@zimbra_prophet

A 6-week UCL undergraduate research project sponsored by the Laidlaw foundation.